Saturday, August 8, 2026

Religion , Nationality and Pride : The Greatest Lie We Were Taught

 The greatest lies taught to us that my religion , my community , my nation teach me humanity. The reality is opposite.

Perhaps the real test of morality is not how faithfully we defend our tribe, but how willing we are to see the human being beyond it.

One of the first moral lessons many of us receive in childhood is that religion teaches humanity.

Religion teaches compassion.
Religion teaches peace.
Religion teaches morality.
Religion teaches us to love our fellow human beings.

But there is another lesson that often arrives alongside it: our religion is different; our community is different; our culture is superior; our people are better.

And there lies the contradiction.

If humanity is universal, why do we so often need a religious, caste, national or political identity before deciding how much compassion another person deserves?

Consider a simple thought experiment. Imagine that tomorrow every religious label disappeared. No Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh or Buddhist. No caste. No nationality. No political party. No community.

Would parents stop loving their children? Would strangers stop helping an injured person? Would human beings suddenly lose the ability to distinguish kindness from cruelty?

Of course not.

Perhaps, then, humanity does not come from our identities. Perhaps our identities merely sit on top of something that existed before them: our capacity to experience suffering, affection, fear, joy and hope.

The moment there is an "us", there is a "them"

Human beings naturally form groups. Families become communities; communities become nations; people organise themselves around religion, language, ideology and culture.

There is nothing inherently wrong with belonging.

The danger begins when belonging becomes superiority.

Once there is an "us", there is always the possibility of a "them". And once a "them" exists, comparison follows: Whose God is real? Whose culture is superior? Whose nation is stronger? Whose history is greater? Who deserves more?

The person gradually disappears behind the label.

We stop seeing a human being and start seeing a Hindu, Muslim, Christian, upper-caste person, lower-caste person, Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi etc , And hatred becomes easier.

You do not have to hate an individual. You only have to hate a category.

That is why identity can become so politically powerful.

Inherited pride

People often say, "I am proud of my religion." or "I am Proud of my nation"

There is nothing inherently objectionable about finding meaning in one's religious tradition. But perhaps we should occasionally ask what exactly we mean by pride.

Did we create the religion? Write its scriptures? Build its ancient monuments? Accomplish its historical achievements?

Usually, the answer is no.

We inherited the identity.

The same question can be asked of nationalism. We are born on one side of a border and taught to identify with that nation. We did not draw the borders. We did not choose our birthplace. Yet we frequently inherit the achievements of millions of strangers as if they were our personal accomplishments.

Patriotism can be constructive. But nationalism becomes dangerous when loyalty to the nation replaces moral judgment.

If another country's government kills civilians, we may call it a crime. When our own government does something comparable, we are often much quicker to search for explanations.

"They started it."

"There must be a reason."

"Our government knows what it is doing."

The event has not changed. The identity attached to it has.

That is not morality. It is tribal loyalty.

Remove the flag and examine the act

Imagine two groups fighting. Children are killed. Homes are destroyed. Civilians are displaced.

Now remove the flags.

Remove the religious symbols.

Remove the nationalities.

Look only at what happened.

Was it right or wrong?

The answer suddenly becomes much simpler.

Identity does not necessarily change reality. But it can profoundly change how we interpret reality.

This is equally visible in politics.

A political party can gradually become a substitute for independent thought. Supporters begin saying, "My party could never do that," while assuming the worst of the opposing side.

Evidence becomes inconvenient. Contradictions are explained away. Facts are filtered through loyalty.

Why?

Because admitting that our group is wrong can feel like admitting that we were wrong.

At that point, identity and ego become inseparable.

Perhaps morality is the expansion of the circle

Human history can also be understood as an expansion of the moral circle.

First came family.

Then tribe.

Then community.

Then nation.

Today, at least in principle, we speak of universal human rights.

Perhaps the next step is to recognise that suffering itself does not require a particular identity.

A person does not need to belong to our religion for their pain to matter.

They do not need to hold our passport.

They do not need to share our political ideology.

They do not need to belong to our caste.

Their capacity to suffer should be enough.

And perhaps that is the simplest foundation for morality.


And What Happens When We Meet Aliens?

Now take the thought experiment even further.

Suppose tomorrow humanity encounters an intelligent civilization from another planet.

Suddenly, our religious differences look microscopic.

Then imagine they come from another solar system. what you will tell them ? Like I am a proud earthian?

Then another galaxy.and you will say I am proud of Milky way , I am proud milkyweian .

What happens to nationalism?

What happens to religion?

What happens to the concept of "foreigners"?

If humanity has to cooperate with another intelligent species to survive, will you still say:

"I am proud to be "country name"."

Or will your identity expand?

"I am human."

And if those beings are conscious, intelligent and capable of suffering, perhaps even that won't be enough.

Perhaps we will eventually have to say:

"I am a conscious being living in this universe."

That is the direction morality could take:

from family → tribe → community → nation → humanity → conscious life.

The moral circle keeps expanding.

Why should we voluntarily shrink it?

And then there is capitalism : the root cause of devide

This is where the debate becomes more uncomfortable.

While ordinary people are encouraged to fight over religion, caste, nationality, language and political identity, there are other questions that receive considerably less attention:

Who owns the land?

Who controls natural resources?

Who owns the corporations?

Who controls capital?

Who owns the infrastructure?

Who benefits from our labour?

Who accumulates the wealth produced by millions of workers?

These are not necessarily more important questions than questions of culture or faith. But they are certainly questions that deserve equal scrutiny.

Consider two workers.

One is Hindu and the other Muslim. One supports one political party and the other supports another. They may disagree profoundly about religion, nationalism and culture.

Yet both may be working ten or twelve hours a day for an organisation whose ownership lies somewhere above them.

Their identities are different.

Their economic position may be remarkably similar.

And yet they can be persuaded to see each other as enemies.

This is the political usefulness of division.

A divided workforce is harder to organise. Divided citizens are less likely to act collectively. And when public attention is consumed by cultural conflict, questions about wages, working conditions, inequality, monopolies, taxation and ownership can disappear from the centre of the conversation.

This does not require a secret conspiracy.

Systems can produce outcomes that benefit them without a single person sitting in a room designing the entire process.

When everything becomes a commodity

There is nothing inherently immoral about markets, private enterprise or profit.

The problem begins when profit becomes the dominant measure of value.

Then nature can become merely a resource.

Workers become labour costs.

Attention becomes a commodity.

Consumers become data.

Housing becomes an investment vehicle.

Education becomes a product.

Healthcare becomes a market opportunity.

And the fundamental question increasingly becomes:

How much can be extracted?

From the worker.

From the consumer.

From the land.

From the forest.

From the river.

From the planet.

The most important resource in an economic system may not be oil, gold or even data.

It may be human time.

Our labour is made from the hours of our lives. We exchange those hours for money because we have to live.

That does not make markets evil. But it should make us question an economic system whenever human dignity, social equality and ecological survival become secondary to endless accumulation.


Nature does not recognise our identities

There is something almost absurd about our divisions when viewed against the natural world.

A river does not care whether the person drinking from it is Hindu or Muslim.

A forest does not recognise nationality.

The atmosphere does not stop at a border.

Pollution does not ask for a caste certificate.

Climate change does not check political affiliation.

Nature does not recognise the boundaries that human beings have constructed.

Yet we continue to fight over those boundaries while the resources we all depend upon are extracted, polluted and depleted.

Perhaps the planet is constantly reminding us of something our politics forgets:

our survival is shared.

The most powerful prison may have no walls

The most effective form of control may not always be physical force.

Sometimes it is psychological.

Give people an identity.

Give them something to be proud of.

Give them something to fear.

Give them an enemy.

Give them a political tribe, religious tribe or national tribe.

Eventually, people may begin defending the boundaries themselves.

No chains are necessary.

The borders exist inside their minds.

This is why critical thinking matters.

Not because every tradition is false. Not because every institution is corrupt. Not because every economic system must be rejected.

But because no identity should become so sacred that we are no longer allowed to question it.

A different moral vocabulary

What if we changed the questions we ask?

Instead of asking someone which religion they belong to, ask whether they are kind.

Instead of asking which caste they belong to, ask whether they treat people fairly.

Instead of asking which political party they support, ask whether they can criticise their own side.

Instead of asking whether someone is patriotic, ask what they have done to make another person's life better.

Instead of asking, "What does my group believe?", ask:

"Is it true?"

Instead of asking, "What benefits my side?", ask:

"Is it just?"

And instead of asking, "Who is one of us?", ask:

"Who is suffering?"

That change in vocabulary could be more revolutionary than another political slogan.

The real enemy may not be your neighbour

The poor Hindu is told that the Muslim is his problem.

The poor Muslim is told that the Hindu is his problem.

One caste is told another caste is responsible for its difficulties.

One nation is told another nation threatens its existence.

Workers are encouraged to compete against workers.

Citizens are encouraged to fight over culture.

Meanwhile, the basic economic questions remain:

Who owns?

Who controls?

Who decides?

Who profits?

Who works?

Who pays?

Who gets the resources?

These questions have the potential to unite people across identities.

And perhaps that is precisely why they deserve to be asked more often.

Do not surrender your mind to your identity

None of this requires us to hate religion, abandon our culture, reject our country or pretend that political differences do not matter.

The point is simpler:

Never surrender your critical thinking to an identity.

Love your country, but criticise it when it is wrong.

Practise your religion, but question it.

Respect your culture, but reject its injustices.

Support your political party, but never become its servant.

Participate in the capitalist economy, but question economic arrangements that reduce human beings and nature to instruments of profit.

Most importantly, never allow anyone to convince you that another human being is less human because they belong to a different group.

Because perhaps the real purpose of morality is not to make us better members of our tribe.

Perhaps it is to make us less tribal.

Civilisation may not be the process of creating stronger identities. It may be the gradual process of making those identities less important than human dignity.

Strip away religion.

Strip away caste.

Strip away nationality.

Strip away political affiliation.

Strip away wealth and social status.

What remains?

A conscious being capable of experiencing happiness and suffering. A being that wants to live and does not want to be exploited, tortured or killed.

Perhaps that should be enough.

So stop asking:

"What does my group believe?"

Ask:

"What is true?"

Stop asking:

"What benefits my side?"

Ask:

"What is just?"

Stop asking:

"Who is one of us?"

Ask:

"Who is suffering?"

And stop asking:

"What identity should I be proud of?"

Ask:

"What kind of human being should I become?"

Perhaps it begins with something much more difficult:

changing the way we think.

And the first step may be brutally simple:

Stop being a soldier for an identity you never chose.

Start being a human being and fight the right battle against capitalism which nurture our differences for their profit.

Monday, August 3, 2026

आंदोलन, गाली और समाज का पाखंड

 बचपन से हमें बहुत-सी बातें सिखाई जाती हैं, लेकिन उनमें से कई वास्तविकता से मेल नहीं खातीं। ऐसी ही एक बात यह है कि हम एक ऐसे समाज से आते हैं जहाँ गाली-गलौज को पूरी तरह अस्वीकार्य माना जाता है और हर व्यक्ति से हमेशा शालीन भाषा में बात करने की अपेक्षा की जाती है।

लेकिन हकीकत इससे बिल्कुल अलग है।

भारत के कई हिस्सों में गाली-गलौज रोज़मर्रा की बातचीत का हिस्सा बन चुकी है। आप किसी भी गाँव में चले जाइए, वहाँ पुरुष, महिलाएँ और यहाँ तक कि बच्चे भी सामान्य बातचीत में गालियों का सहज इस्तेमाल करते हुए मिल जाएंगे। बनारस जैसे शहर में जाइए, तो लोग आम बातचीत के दौरान बिना किसी झिझक के गाली का प्रयोग कर देते हैं। वहीं दिल्ली-एनसीआर में तो कई बार ऐसा लगता है कि बातचीत तब तक पूरी ही नहीं होती, जब तक उसमें एक-दो गालियाँ न जुड़ जाएँ।

इसी तरह उत्तर प्रदेश के कई इलाकों, विशेषकर अवधी भाषी क्षेत्रों में, "चूतिया" जैसे शब्दों को गाली के रूप में नहीं देखा जाता। इसका प्रयोग केवल किसी ऐसे व्यक्ति के लिए किया जाता है जिसे मूर्ख या सामान्य समझ-बूझ से वंचित माना जाता है, न कि किसी गहरे अपमान के उद्देश्य से।

यही कारण है कि जब हम अचानक खुद को एक अत्यंत पवित्र, संस्कारी और नैतिक रूप से आदर्श समाज के रूप में प्रस्तुत करने लगते हैं, तो यह मुझे एक गहरी विडंबना लगती है।

तो मैं यह सब क्यों कह रहा हूँ?

क्योंकि समय-समय पर हमारे "56 इंच का सीना" रखने वाले "विश्वगुरु" राजा साहब अपनी असीम शक्ति, विशाल बहुमत और पूरे सरकारी तंत्र के बावजूद सबसे ज़्यादा आहत कुछ शब्दों से दिखाई देते हैं। शिकायत यही होती है कि लोगों ने उन्हें गालियाँ दीं, अपशब्द कहे, यहाँ तक कि उनकी माँ तक को गाली दी। और फिर पूरी सार्वजनिक बहस जनता के मुद्दों से हटकर केवल शब्दों की अदालत में पहुँच जाती है।

जबकि लोकतांत्रिक देशों में सत्ता के खिलाफ होने वाले आंदोलनों में व्यंग्य, कटाक्ष, अपमानजनक नारे, कार्टून और यहाँ तक कि गालियों का इस्तेमाल भी लंबे समय से राजनीतिक विरोध का हिस्सा रहा है। हमें वह तरीका व्यक्तिगत रूप से पसंद हो या न हो, लेकिन यह परंपरा दशकों से मौजूद रही है।

इतिहास बार-बार यह दिखाता है कि जब सत्ता स्वयं को दैवीय या पवित्र होने के आवरण में लपेट लेती है, तब श्रद्धा उसकी सबसे बड़ी ढाल बन जाती है—और उपहास उसका सबसे बड़ा ख़तरा।

फ़्रांसीसी क्रांति इसका सबसे प्रभावशाली उदाहरण है। सदियों तक फ़्रांस की राजशाही ने यह धारणा स्थापित की कि राजा ईश्वर की इच्छा से शासन करता है और सामान्य मनुष्यों से ऊपर है। क्रांतिकारियों ने समझ लिया था कि जब तक इस दैवीय छवि को ध्वस्त नहीं किया जाएगा, तब तक सिंहासन भी नहीं गिरेगा।

इसलिए उन्होंने केवल राजशाही के विरुद्ध नहीं, बल्कि उससे जुड़ी उस पवित्र मिथक के विरुद्ध भी अभियान छेड़ दिया। पूरे फ़्रांस में पैम्फलेट, व्यंग्यचित्र (Caricatures) और जानबूझकर अश्लील एवं अपमानजनक चित्र बड़ी संख्या में फैलाए गए। राजा लुई सोलहवें को एक कमजोर, अयोग्य और राष्ट्र का नेतृत्व करने में असमर्थ शासक के रूप में चित्रित किया गया। वहीं रानी मैरी एंटोइनेट को नैतिक रूप से भ्रष्ट, यौन रूप से उच्छृंखल, अत्यधिक फ़िज़ूलखर्च और आम जनता के दुख-दर्द के प्रति पूरी तरह असंवेदनशील दिखाया गया। अनेक चित्रों में शाही परिवार को अपमानजनक, हास्यास्पद और गरिमाहीन परिस्थितियों में दर्शाया गया। इन चित्रों का उद्देश्य ऐतिहासिक सत्य प्रस्तुत करना नहीं था, बल्कि राजसत्ता के चारों ओर निर्मित दैवीय आभामंडल को तोड़ना और जनता के मन में यह स्थापित करना था कि राजा भी कोई अलौकिक सत्ता नहीं, बल्कि एक साधारण और त्रुटिपूर्ण इंसान है।

इनमें से कई चित्र अतिरंजित थे, कई सनसनीखेज़ थे और कुछ पूरी तरह काल्पनिक भी थे। लेकिन उनका उद्देश्य इतिहास लिखना नहीं, बल्कि जनता के मनोविज्ञान को बदलना था—डर की जगह हँसी पैदा करना, श्रद्धा की जगह तिरस्कार पैदा करना और अंधभक्ति की जगह प्रतिरोध की भावना जगाना।

यह रणनीति सफल भी हुई, क्योंकि सत्ता केवल कानूनों और सेनाओं के बल पर नहीं टिकती; वह लोगों के मन में बनी अपनी छवि के सहारे भी जीवित रहती है। जिस क्षण राजा जनता की नज़रों में ईश्वर का प्रतिनिधि न रहकर उपहास का पात्र बन गया, उसी क्षण निरंकुश राजशाही की मनोवैज्ञानिक नींव दरकने लगी। इतिहास हमें यही सिखाता है कि कोई भी शक्तिशाली सिंहासन गिरने से पहले उसकी अजेयता और पवित्रता का भ्रम टूटना आवश्यक होता है।

उदाहरण के लिए अमेरिका को ही देखिए। डोनाल्ड ट्रम्प के खिलाफ हुए प्रदर्शनों में लोगों ने बेहद तीखी भाषा, अपमानजनक चित्रों और कड़े व्यंग्य का इस्तेमाल किया। लेकिन मैंने वहाँ यह नहीं देखा कि केवल अपमानजनक भाषा के इस्तेमाल पर आम नागरिकों के खिलाफ बड़े पैमाने पर दमनात्मक अभियान चलाए गए हों या टीवी चैनल केवल इसलिए लोगों की गिरफ्तारी की माँग कर रहे हों कि किसी ने किसी राजनीतिक नेता के लिए गाली का इस्तेमाल किया।

मेरी वास्तविक चिंता गाली-गलौज से तब शुरू होती है जब उसका इस्तेमाल सत्ता में बैठे लोग करते हैं।

स्थिति कहीं अधिक गंभीर तब हो जाती है जब स्वयं सरकारी तंत्र या उसके प्रतिनिधि आम नागरिकों के साथ अपमानजनक भाषा का प्रयोग करें। उदाहरण के तौर पर, दिल्ली में हुए प्रदर्शनों के दौरान ऐसी रिपोर्टें और आरोप सामने आए कि कुछ पुरुष पुलिसकर्मियों ने महिला प्रदर्शनकारियों के साथ अभद्र भाषा का प्रयोग किया और उनके कपड़े फाड़ देने जैसी धमकियाँ दीं। यदि ऐसा हुआ है, तो यह केवल अभद्र भाषा का मामला नहीं, बल्कि सत्ता के दुरुपयोग का गंभीर उदाहरण है, क्योंकि राज्य का दायित्व नागरिकों की सुरक्षा करना है, उन्हें डराना या अपमानित करना नहीं।

समस्या तब भी गंभीर हो जाती है जब किसी व्यक्ति के खिलाफ राजनीतिक आईटी सेल, मीडिया के कुछ हिस्सों या प्रभावशाली समर्थकों द्वारा संगठित अभियान चलाए जाते हैं। हमने ऐसे कई मामले देखे हैं जहाँ लोगों ने बलात्कार की धमकियाँ, जान से मारने की धमकियाँ और लगातार ऑनलाइन उत्पीड़न झेलने के आरोप लगाए हैं। चाहे आप रिया चक्रवर्ती के साथ मीडिया के व्यवहार को देखें या हालिया रुचिका विवाद को, इस प्रकार के संगठित अभियान किसी आम नागरिक द्वारा विरोध प्रदर्शन के दौरान गुस्से में दी गई एक गाली से कहीं अधिक खतरनाक हैं।

यही बात मुझे सबसे अधिक चिंतित करती है।

बाकी अगर हम खुद से ईमानदारी से सवाल करें, तो सच यही है कि हमने अपने रोज़मर्रा के जीवन में गाली-गलौज को पहले ही सामान्य बना दिया है। यह हमारे घरों में, गलियों में, दोस्तों के बीच और लगभग हर सामाजिक वर्ग में सहज रूप से बोली जाती है। ऐसे में राजनीति के मुद्दे पर अचानक खुद को अत्यंत शिष्टाचारपूर्ण और आदर्श समाज के रूप में प्रस्तुत करना गहरे पाखंड के अलावा कुछ नहीं है।

शब्दों की चुनिंदा नैतिक निगरानी करने के बजाय हमें एक अधिक महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न पूछना चाहिए—आख़िर कौन अपनी शक्ति और प्रभाव का इस्तेमाल दूसरों को चुप कराने, डराने या उनका उत्पीड़न करने के लिए कर रहा है?

क्योंकि विरोध प्रदर्शन के दौरान किसी नागरिक द्वारा किसी राजनेता को गुस्से में गाली देना और सत्ता में बैठे लोगों द्वारा अपने अधिकारों का उपयोग—या दूसरों को प्रोत्साहित करके—आम नागरिकों को निशाना बनाना, इन दोनों के बीच बहुत बड़ा अंतर है।

आइए यह दिखावा करना बंद करें कि हमारे समाज के लिए सबसे बड़ा ख़तरा केवल गाली-गलौज है। असली चिंता का विषय पाखंड और सत्ता का दुरुपयोग होना चाहिए।


Sunday, August 2, 2026

The Irony of Our Society's Relationship with Abusive Language

 From childhood, we are told many things that don't always match reality. One of those is the idea that we come from a society where abusive language is considered unacceptable and people are expected to speak politely at all times.

But the reality is quite different.

Abusive words have become a part of everyday conversation in many parts of India. Visit almost any village, and you'll find men, women, and even children using them casually. Go to a city like Banaras, and you'll notice that people often don't even think twice before using cuss words in normal conversations. In Delhi-NCR, many conversations almost seem incomplete without a swear word added for emphasis.

Similarly, in parts of Uttar Pradesh, especially in Awadhi-speaking regions, words like "chutiya" are often not even treated as serious abuses. They are casually used to describe someone who is foolish or lacking common sense, rather than as a deeply offensive insult.

That is why I find it ironic when we suddenly start portraying ourselves as an exceptionally pure, sacred, and morally perfect society.


So why am I talking about this?

Because every now and then we see a powerful public figure complaining that people abused him, used cuss words against him, or even abused his mother. Suddenly, the entire public debate shifts from the issue being protested to the language used by the protesters.

But when people protest against those in authority, using satire, derogatory slogans, caricatures, and even cuss words has been a common feature of political protest across democracies around the world. Whether we personally like that style or not, it has existed for generations.

History has repeatedly shown that when power wraps itself in the cloak of divinity, reverence becomes its greatest shield—and ridicule becomes its greatest threat. During the French Revolution, the French monarchy had spent centuries cultivating the belief that the king ruled by God's will and stood above ordinary people. The revolutionaries understood that no throne could fall until its sacred image was shattered.

So they launched an assault not just on the monarchy, but on its mythology. Pamphlets, caricatures, and even deliberately obscene illustrations flooded the streets of France. King Louis XVI was mocked as a weak, incompetent ruler incapable of leading his nation. Queen Marie Antoinette was portrayed as morally corrupt, sexually promiscuous, extravagantly wasteful, and indifferent to the suffering of ordinary people. Other prints depicted the royal family in degrading, undignified, and deeply humiliating situations—images specifically designed to strip away the aura of divine authority and expose them as flawed, ordinary human beings. Many of these depictions were exaggerated, sensational, or entirely fabricated, but historical accuracy was never their primary purpose. Their purpose was psychological: to replace fear with laughter, reverence with contempt, and unquestioning obedience with public defiance.

The strategy worked because power survives not only through laws and armies, but through the image people hold of it. The moment the king ceased to appear as God's chosen representative and became the subject of ridicule in the public imagination, the psychological foundation of absolute monarchy began to crack. History reminds us that before every mighty throne falls, its aura of unquestionable sanctity must first be broken.

Take the United States as an example. During protests against Donald Trump, people used extremely harsh language, insulting imagery, and strong satire. Yet I did not see authorities launching widespread witch hunts against ordinary citizens simply for using offensive language, nor did I see television channels demanding arrests merely because someone used a cuss word against a political leader.

My real problem with abusive language begins when it comes from those in power.

It becomes far more serious when authorities themselves use abusive language against ordinary citizens. For example, during the Delhi protests, there were reports and allegations that some male police personnel used abusive language against women protesters and threatened to tear their clothes. If such conduct occurs, it represents a serious abuse of authority because the state is expected to protect citizens, not intimidate them.

The problem also becomes serious when coordinated campaigns are run by political IT cells, sections of the media, or influential supporters against an individual. We have seen instances where people have alleged receiving rape threats, death threats, and sustained online harassment. Whether one looks at the media treatment of Rhea Chakraborty or the recent controversy involving Ruchika, these kinds of coordinated campaigns are far more dangerous than an ordinary citizen using a cuss word in anger during a protest.

That is what concerns me.

Otherwise, let's be honest with ourselves. We have already normalized abusive language in our everyday lives. It is spoken casually in homes, on streets, among friends, and across social groups. Pretending that we are suddenly a society of perfect manners only when politics is involved is deeply hypocritical.

Instead of selective moral policing over words, we should be asking a more important question: Who is using their power to silence, intimidate, or harass others?

Because there is a world of difference between a citizen shouting a cuss word at a politician during a protest and those in positions of power using their authority—or encouraging others—to target ordinary people.

Let's stop pretending that profanity is the biggest threat to our society. Hypocrisy and the misuse of power deserve far greater attention.